The GOP race that wasn’t

A year ago there seemed to be a serious threat to Trump in the GOP. His name was DeSantis. 

In March 2023, DeSantis won 35% to Trump’s 40% of GOP registered voters. (Haley was at 5%)

But DeSantis only lost ground through the year, while Trump gained.

Still, Trump didn’t move much past 50% until after Jan. 2024 once the primary process began.

As of Feb 5-15, 2024, pre-South Carolina primary, Trump holds 73% nationally to Haley’s 15% and DeSantis is no longer a candidate.

Trump rose modestly in the spring, then more in the fall, with a big jump by February. Haley was slow to rise, then bumped up in Nov. and Feb., but to only 15%.

The race that could have been.

DeSantis not only started strong but was a threat to Trump from within the Trump wing of the party. In March 2023 DeSantis got 32% among Reps *favorable* to Trump, plus 45% among those unfavorable to Trump. 

Had DeSantis been able to expand that incursion into Trump land this could have been a real race.  He did not. Instead DeSantis’s support fell across both Trump-favorable and Trump-unfavorable Republicans. Whether because of Trump’s effective attacks on DeSantis or the failures of DeSantis, the race that could have been was not.

Nikki Haley instead is the last contender standing against Trump, and yet she fails to reach even 20% support. She never was a contender with those who like Trump, not reaching even 6% among the Trump-favorable Republicans. But she has captured the wing of the GOP that does not like Trump, winning 65% of those Republicans.

For her, the tragedy is that nothing in the campaign succeeded in increasing the share of those unfavorable to Trump. Instead the opposite occurred, Trump’s favorability hovered around 70% until July, then rose to 80% in Sept. and stands at 84% in February.

As Haley has won an increasing share, now 2/3rds, of Republicans unfavorable to Trump, that pool has declined by half, from 30% to 16%. Even taking all of this smaller pool cannot make an alternative to Trump competitive in the primaries. 

A year ago, 30% of Republicans were unfavorable to Trump, and DeSantis was eating into Trump-favorable Republicans. His effort failed. Haley has never won more than negligible support from the Trump-favorables, and even as she has consolidated the support of Trump-unfavorable Republicans, that group has been shrinking, to now less than one in five Republicans.

In March 2023 the GOP had a significant 30% who did not like Trump and a majority who supported someone else or were undecided. That moment has passed.

DeSantis vs Biden update

Attention has focused on Ron DeSantis losing ground to Donald Trump in GOP primary polling since January. What has been largely overlooked is that DeSantis has also fallen in general election matchups against Biden. This is especially problematic for a claim that Trump is less electable. 

Let’s work through our standard “four-charts” to see what has happened in the Biden v DeSantis horserace. (For an explanation of the value of these four different pictures of the race see my earlier post here.)

The trend chart, showing support for each candidate, shows a clear downturn for DeSantis since January. In late fall he enjoyed a surge and Biden declined a bit in their matchups. But since early January, DeSantis’ trend has sloped down, with one brief upturn. Over this same period, Biden has maintained stable support (as he has vs Trump too). 

There is a lot of noise in the polls, as the mix of red and blue points in the chart shows. In January the candidates were tied but DeSantis’ decline has given Biden a consistent, though small, edge recently.

The clear change in direction of the trend is clearer in the margin trends in the second chart. Biden’s lead over DeSantis declined through the fall, but bounced in early January, changing direction quite clearly.  The size of the margin is still small, under 3 percentage points, so no one should read this as an insurmountable advantage. But the shift of momentum is striking, and mirrors DeSantis’ more widely remarked upon decline vs Trump in the nomination contest.

Charts 3 and 4 are the longer-term view of how the distribution of poll results has shifted. Here the focus is not on the “point estimate” of the trend line, but rather the wide range of polling over two 2-month periods. Polls vary a lot, and it is hard to appreciate how that wide variation none-the-less reveals change in the distribution of candidate support. Shifts in the distribution of support over a longer period is more convincing evidence of meaningful change than a brief shift in the trend line, let alone a single poll that may be an outlier.

Chart 3 shows the distribution of DeSantis and Biden support in January-February compared to the distribution in March through early May. In Jan.-Feb. the DeSantis and Biden distributions largely overlap, though there is more spread to DeSantis support with a fair bit of poor performance to the left and some strong performance to the right, compared to the somewhat less variable Biden support. But in the two months since March, the DeSantis distribution has clearly shifted to the left and Biden a little to the right, with most of the overlap of distributions now to DeSantis’ disadvantage. There is also still more spread to DeSantis’ support than for the somewhat more consistent Biden.

This shift is also clear with the distributions for the margin between the two candidates in Chart 4.  In Jan-Feb the distribution peaks very close to a tie, a margin of zero. Biden led in 19 polls and DeSantis in 13, with 4 ties. Since March the distribution has shifted to the right, with a peak at about a 2-point Biden advantage and considerably more polls showing Biden ahead, 28, than DeSantis, 11, with 3 ties.  

All four of these charts show the decline in DeSantis support vs Biden in the general election. That doesn’t mean the outcome is set. Races shift over time, sometimes (at least in the past) rather sharply. In the modern period we have seen closer races and less variability as partisans have found it close to impossible to bring themselves to cross over for the other party. So small margins are to be expected and modest changes signal momentum shifts. 

Ron DeSantis still has to defeat Donald Trump before he can face Joe Biden in November 2024. His recent weakening versus Biden undercuts his claim to be more electable than Trump. If he announces his candidacy in the coming weeks, as expected, he’ll have his chance to change the momentum once more. If he succeeds in that the charts will tell that story too.

Trump, DeSantis, Pence favorability by party ID

With a lot of hot takes (pre-indictment) about Trump vs DeSantis, here is a “cold” take to bring some perspective on how voters have viewed each over the past 17 months. Perspective, like revenge, is a dish best served cold.

DeSantis and Trump favorable ratings by party over last 15 months (17 months for Trump). National @MULawPoll surveys of registered voters.(Trump & Pence since Nov 2021, DeSantis since Jan. 2022.)

And here are the same data in table form. (Yes, all “Table 1” because they come from separate reports.)

Polling of Trump and DeSantis and 2024

Nate Cohn has a look at widely varying polls on Trump 2024, including my @MULawPoll. Worth a read.

It is hard to get apples-to-apples comparisons. Different question (long list of candidates or DeSantis-Trump head-to-head), RVs or likely primary voters, Reps or Reps+Lean.

I’d also stress value of comparative favorability among Reps.

And comparison of ONE poll over time with same methodology each time removes noise due to multiple pollsters w varying methodology. This emphasizes trend change w most comparable data available

Favs in @MULawPoll national surveys:

Another trend for want Trump to run, and shows the difference between those who are more partisan Republicans and those independents who lean Rep. (How these are included or not also affects the cross-pollster comparison in Nate’s article.)

Here is a comparison of want Trump and want DeSantis to run by party ID for the latest, January 2023 @MULawPoll national poll (all these tweets are based on our national polls, not our Wisconsin only polls.)

I think the most revealing results we have in @MULawPoll is DeSantis is very appealing to PRO-TRUMP Republicans. His fav rating is strong with those Reps also fav to Trump & those Reps who want Trump to run. His threat to Trump is that he’s popular inside Trump’s house.

It is really important to stress we are watching a dynamic process as it unfolds, NOT predicting final outcomes. Trump is ramping up criticism of DeSantis. Does that change things in upcoming polls? When (if) DeSantis enters the race is another test.


There’s a long way to go.

Here is a link to Nate’s article in NYTimes today. By all means give it a read.